Repercusiones por la carta de Cristina Fernández: la ex presidenta apuntó contra Javier Milei
El reciente documento de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner ha generado una fuerte discusión política, especialmente con la respuesta inmediata de Javier Milei. El informe, dividido en dos partes, critica a Milei por centrarse únicamente en el déficit fiscal sin considerar las reservas y aborda la evolución del peronismo. Las críticas al sindicalismo dentro del documento también han provocado reacciones, destacándose la respuesta de Andrés Rodríguez, titular de UPCN, quien defendió al movimiento obrero y señaló la falta de políticas gubernamentales como causa principal de la informalidad laboral.
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00:00This is what is going to happen with the discussion that generated the report, the document of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.
00:10There were two levels of repercussions. On the one hand, the discussion, the immediate response of Javier Milei.
00:18This was already known, the document of Cristina was known, which has two parts.
00:23There is a part of criticism of Milei that says, well, the problem is not only to lower the tax deficit, but also to take into account the problem of the reserves.
00:33And there was the title, it is the stupid bi-monetary economy, remediating beyond the chicane of trying to be stupid to the president,
00:40which would be nothing, because Milei fucks everyone, I say, at this point it is the air of the times.
00:45It is a phrase of Clinton, who said, it is the stupid economy, you have to understand that the economy is the important thing that makes you win or lose an election.
00:54The second part of the document was more directed towards Peronism, with a Cristina more working as an analyst,
01:00as if she had nothing to do with what happened in the last years of politics.
01:04And that last part said, well, how it has to be and how it has to evolve Peronism towards the future.
01:12And this generated repercussions within Peronism itself, Melissa.
01:14Yes, especially in syndicalism. Why? Because Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, as you said well, Rolando,
01:19in these two parts, in the second part of Peronism, made criticisms of syndicalism in general.
01:24She said that the syndical representation ceased to be the manifestation of the majorities.
01:30Obviously, this in the syndical sector did not fall for anything nice.
01:34And one of those who came out to respond was Rodríguez, Andrés Rodríguez from UPCN, who we have to listen to what he said.
01:42I think we have to better check the numbers.
01:45I mean, in the economically active population, which we can catalog approximately in about 18 million citizens,
01:53undoubtedly today the formalized work is reduced to half.
01:57This is not a product of the workers' movement that wanted there to be informality.
02:02In reality, it is a product of the lack of government policies, as I have been saying for a long time,
02:07that have undoubtedly been accentuated and increased, and that should be modified once and for all.
02:14Who is Andrés Rodríguez? The head of UPCN.
02:17UPCN is one of the two groups that nuclearize state workers, those who depend on the national state.
02:24Why is this? Because what Cristina says in the document is that, well,
02:28the backbone of the workers' movement is still the CGT,
02:33but the incidence of white workers is much lower.
02:37What's more, if you go to a popular neighborhood,
02:39immediately what you see is that there is almost a clearly stratified difference
02:44from the one who lives in changas and lives in the informality of the one who has a job in white.
02:49Because the one who has a job in white has vacations, has social work, has a series of things
02:55that for the one who lives in changas are practically a luxury.
02:58So that stratification, in that stratification,
03:02the seduction of the extreme libertarian discourse entered a lot and the Peronism started below.
03:08This is what Cristina is also discussing.
03:10The problem, really, is that Cristina speaks as if she were an analyst.
03:15When she is part of all this, all these problems are structural.
03:19Why didn't she modify them when she was in government, because they could be seen coming,
03:24and why didn't she denounce them faster and clearer when she was vice president of Alberto Fernández?
03:30There is a part where she doesn't say, well, I was wrong.
03:33Because this is what should have happened at some point.
03:35She should have left a little bit of pride and say, yes, I was wrong.
03:39She doesn't say it.
03:40She says, Peronism of the future should change all this.
03:42But the I was wrong, Cristina never says it.
03:45Yes, in fact, in the criticism of Peronism, she mentions, for example,
03:48the issue of the agreement with the FMI as if it were a question of Peronism, but in the last government.
03:52And precisely what the last government tried, there was a lot of participation of the social movements
03:57that talk about this, about the workers who are outside the protection.
04:01In fact, one of the criticisms that was made of Sergio Massa's campaign as president
04:05was this one, that they said, well, you are going to miss your paid holidays, you are going to miss the Aguinaldo.
04:10And in reality, what Milena said...
04:12What if I didn't have it?
04:13Of course, Milena spoke for the part of the population that precisely did not have those guaranteed rights
04:17and also somewhat eradicates the success there of the libertarian discourse.
04:21So, well, what Cristina is saying now is,
04:23well, we have to pay attention to all these people,
04:26to all this population that was left out of the rights, that does not have a registered job,
04:30but as I said before...
04:31It was the discussion of the famous present state.
04:33The present state for whom it was.
04:35Those who analyze the phenomenon of the ultra-right in Argentina
04:38and the arrival of Miley to the government say, well,
04:41the present state, with good hospitals, with good education,
04:44with work in white and rights, for whom was it?
04:47For many people, no.
04:48Those people, angry, say, what are you talking about?
04:51Of the present state?
04:52What am I going to lose if I don't have it?
04:54So, that's why the question is.
04:57Now, what we also have to say is that Cristina appeared on stage
05:02in a way, at a time when the policies of Miley,
05:08after so many months, begin to feel in the pocket of the population.
05:12Until now, many said, hey, why don't they speak?
05:16Why don't they speak?
05:17What are you afraid of, Cristina?
05:20That you don't speak?
05:21Are you afraid of going to jail?
05:22That's why you're quiet?
05:23Well, here she took out a document.
05:25She didn't speak, she took out a document.
05:27Let's say, criticizing, now yes, the political debate.
05:32It rises, it gets stronger.
05:34The discussion is about economic policies,
05:37but also within Peronism.
05:39Yes, and you have to say, Rolando,
05:40that there were also answers to Andrés Rodríguez.
05:43And who was in charge of answering him?
05:45Vanessa Silei.
05:46We have to listen to it because, well, she is also close to La Cámpora.
05:50She is a trade unionist.
05:51She has trade unionism.
05:52In other words, she has a whole tradition,
05:54so she was in charge of answering him.
05:57Let's listen to it.
05:58Why confront Cristina?
06:00Why does this Mr. Andrés Rodríguez,
06:02instead of criticizing the president for what he is doing to the retirees,
06:06call for the mobilization of the UN,
06:08chooses to confront Cristina?
06:10So, be careful, let's say,
06:12to put the axis within Peronism
06:15and not in the confrontation with the government,
06:18which is what we all have to do,
06:20those of us who call ourselves representatives of the people,
06:22in a sense.
06:24Well, Vanessa Silei is a trade unionist
06:26parallel to the judiciary.
06:28Yes.
06:29And she is also a congresswoman.
06:30And she is a congresswoman of the Union for the Fatherland.
06:31So it is an internal debate of Peronism,
06:33of trade unionism.
06:34How does trade unionism stop in the face of this?
06:40And also with criticism of the CGT.
06:41Why?
06:42Because on Wednesday,
06:43when the insistence against the veto of Javier Millet
06:46for the retirements is treated as deputies,
06:48the CGT was divided again.
06:50There is a part that is calling for mobilization
06:53and the other, more linked to what is called the fatties,
06:55in the most traditional part of the CGT,
06:57which is not calling for mobilization.
06:59So, Vanessa Silei, what she does here is say,
07:01well, instead of fighting with Cristina,
07:03they have to fight with the government of Javier Millet
07:05and call for mobilization.
07:06And Pablo Moyano also spoke.
07:07And speaking of that,
07:08yes, Pablo Moyano,
07:09who is from the CGT,
07:10who does want to mobilize.
07:11Let's hear what Pablo Moyano said.
07:13I think that this self-criticism
07:15has to be given in a way,
07:17in an internal debate
07:18and not to make it public.
07:20I think that the biggest mistake
07:22is to start questioning it,
07:23or to fight it publicly.
07:25Let's go back to the previous fights
07:27that this president of Cachivacha led.
07:29And when he talks about the CGT,
07:31either he gives a name
07:33or I will not approach him.
07:35Of course.
07:36What is going on?
07:38Peronism.
07:39The only thing that unites Peronism
07:41today is the opposition to Millet.
07:43Because inside,
07:44everything has crossed invoices to pass.
07:46First, Cristina,
07:47who brought Alberto.
07:48Then, the fight between Campora
07:51and Kicillof,
07:52what is going to happen?
07:53So, there is so much internal discussion
07:55that everyone says,
07:56instead of arguing among ourselves,
07:58that we are going to end up killing each other,
08:01let's fight with Millet.
08:02Between Campora and the Renovador Front,
08:04there are internal debates everywhere
08:05within Peronism
08:06and you can see the lack of leadership
08:08and leadership.
08:09There is a certain orphanage
08:10that Cristina now comes to try
08:12to occupy that place,
08:13but from technicalism,
08:14well, they are saying,
08:15let's review the numbers.
08:16What happens is that
08:17the question of Cristina,
08:18after Alberto,
08:19at some point you have to say,
08:21ok, and Alberto?
08:23Because Cristina's historical mistake
08:25of having anointed Alberto Fernández
08:27in the light of everything that is seen now,
08:29who was a president
08:30who did not govern,
08:31who was more interested in the mines,
08:33who had gender violence problems
08:35with his partner,
08:36who fell in love with the quarantine,
08:39who did not take care of the reserves,
08:41as Cristina herself says in the document.
08:43And all that.
08:44And Alberto, who brought him?
08:45Exactly.
08:46Well, and then also the internal fights.
08:47In fact, Pablo Moyano
08:48in that same interview
08:49says,
08:50it cannot be that they are hitting
08:51Axel Kicillof,
08:52right?
08:53Also referring to the internal
08:54between Campora
08:55and the governor of the province
08:56of Buenos Aires.
08:57Well, a complex scenario.
08:58Yes, it must be said
08:59that on the other hand
09:00when one compares
09:01the fights
09:02between the libertarians
09:03this is a tea room game
09:05of the British world
09:07compared to the things
09:09that are said
09:10the libertarians among themselves
09:11that are accused of
09:12No, they make complaints
09:13they make complaints
09:14they insult each other
09:15I say,
09:16it's a British tea room game
09:18let's say
09:19of people drinking tea
09:20compared to the barbarity
09:21that the libertarians
09:22make among themselves.