Bakit tutol ang BARMM sa Independent Mindanao? | The Mangahas Interviews

  • 8 months ago
Hindi sang-ayon ang ilang lider ng Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao o BARMM sa panawagang ihiwalay ang Mindanao sa Pilipinas.

Ayon kay BTA Deputy Speaker Atty. Omar Sema, naiintindihan nila ang pinanggagalingan ng pagsusulong ng Independent Mindanao pero wala raw itong basehan sa ngayon at hindi rin daw ito ang solusyon sa umano'y maling proseso ng Charter change.

Ang iba pang usapin sa paghiwalay ng Mindanao at ang paghahanda sa unang Bangsamoro Parliament election sa May 2025, sasagutin ni BTA Deputy Speaker Atty. Omar Sema sa #TheMangahasInterviews.
Transcript
00:00 [Music]
00:05 Good day to all of you. You are now watching Damanghas Interviews.
00:08 We will have the first-ever election in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao.
00:16 This is in the middle of the calls of the Independent Mindanao.
00:21 We will talk about this with Attorney Omar Yacer Sema, the Deputy Speaker of the Bangsamoro Transitional Authority Parliament.
00:30 Good day, Ms. Malou. I am the one who is speaking and you gave us the opportunity to welcome you here, of course, today.
00:43 Attorney Sema is a graduate of Public Administration at Notre Dame University and Law at Ateneo de Dabao Law School.
00:51 He is also a former legal officer of the City Government of Cotabato City.
00:56 Attorney, please tell us what is the latest in preparation for the first parliamentary election in Bangsamoro.
01:04 Currently, we are finishing the Parliament Districting Bill because that is what will complete the elective positions that are at stake for the first parliamentary elections in 2025.
01:24 As we remember, Republic Act 11054 provides for a parliament that is composed of 80 members.
01:34 50% will be coming from elected representatives of the political parties, 40% of that,
01:44 and 32 or 40% of the seats will come from the single district, single seat districts.
01:52 Around 10% or 8 will come from the sectoral representatives.
02:01 That's half of what we have accomplished already.
02:07 We have already completed the electoral code. It's already a law and it's now with the commission on elections.
02:18 What we are waiting for from the commission on elections is the implementing rules and regulations of the election code.
02:28 I believe with these two laws, hopefully we will pass the districting this month before we go to Sinibiye.
02:39 The region is almost prepared.
02:42 Of course, that is besides the fact that we still continue the institution building of the Bangsamoro government
02:53 because during the conduct of elections in 2025, the services cannot be discontinued.
03:03 All of the services should be continuously done even during the election period.
03:12 The Bangsamoro government still needs to be delivered.
03:16 I know that the electoral code is innovative and provisional. You are one of the principal authors.
03:23 But let's segue first to the hot story now, what they call Mindanao Independence Movement.
03:31 I know that Mr. Ebrahim already spoke, you are not a fan.
03:35 What is the obvious goal of the Bangsamoro PTA Parliament?
03:40 In general, we abide by the position of the chief minister.
03:47 He is the leader of the Bangsamoro government and whatever he says after consultation with the other leaders of the PTA,
03:57 that will be our position and so far, that is what most of us have already discussed with the chief minister.
04:16 That is what we have in our hearts. We support the president.
04:23 Of course, we have made statements already that secession or the separation of Mindanao from the Republic of the Philippines
04:33 currently has no basis.
04:35 There is no basis to support that kind of talk.
04:41 Of course, we take into consideration where the sentiments of those who are secessionists come from,
04:52 particularly the former president Rodrigo Roa Duterte.
04:57 We understand where his sentiments come from and he is making such talks.
05:07 He is also with the former speaker Natalion Alvarez. We understand that.
05:17 Probably, it was all born out of the issue on charter change.
05:24 They see the wrong process of joining the charter change.
05:31 However, the separation of the Republic of the Philippines is not the solution.
05:41 Probably, the solution is also in the problem of the charter change.
05:46 There is a law on how to solve that.
05:50 They cannot look at it to solve it.
05:57 So one experiment, the Bangsamoro project, the president said it is historical,
06:04 that it will be an election and we should make it work.
06:07 On the other hand, the independent Mindanao project, will it lose on balance?
06:14 Which is the better path? Because Bangsamoro is part of Mindanao.
06:18 The total of Mindanao is 23 or 27 provinces depending on how you count it.
06:24 And there are 30 cities and 26 million people.
06:30 So in your opinion, can Bangsamoro be out of the Independent Mindanao or should it be included?
06:39 Well, first of all, it all boils down to how our leaders will look at it.
06:46 For us, the discussion in the session is a regression.
06:54 It's a regression of what we are doing right now.
06:59 We are letting go of what we started and what we have finished during the transition period.
07:08 Of course, we will still listen to the discussion.
07:13 But as far as Bangsamoro is concerned, we believe that the discussion in the session is a regression.
07:22 It's obvious that we are going back to our childhood.
07:27 Second childhood maybe.
07:30 Yes. So we really need to balance it.
07:37 We need to balance it properly and give a thorough analysis of the situation.
07:51 You're right, there are 27 provinces in Mindanao.
07:56 We will know if the 27 provinces are looking at the same way as President Rodrigo Roa Duterte.
08:07 That should be taken into consideration.
08:10 Not only Bangsamoro, but other provinces should also look at it.
08:14 I believe there are other provinces that want to stay in the Republic of the Philippines.
08:27 Of course, the idea of the session originated from the Moro National Liberation Fund.
08:34 If someone is going to start discussing in the session, it will be the Bangsamoro.
08:40 So your background, your father, Mr. Sema, became the chairman of the Central Committee of the Moro National Liberation Fund.
08:49 So Sema is a Muslim.
08:51 Now, I just want to ask, because Congressman Alvarez's secretary said,
08:54 "If you want to join, join the Moro. If you don't want to, don't."
08:59 Is that allowed? You won't be included if you say that?
09:03 He already said that.
09:05 That's what we will do.
09:07 Will you join or not?
09:08 But of course, we will continue to talk to President Duterte and Speaker Alvarez
09:16 because they were the ones who materialized the Bangsamoro.
09:20 In their time, in their leadership, the Bangsamoro was realized.
09:24 The two leaders made a huge sacrifice in pursuing the Republic Act 11054.
09:33 We have to remember that the Constitution and the Law always look to compare it to the provisions of the Bangsamoro Organic Law.
09:45 These two people, these two persons, these two respected leaders, they passed the Republic Act 11054.
09:55 We continue to take that into consideration.
09:59 So, I believe this is the position of our leaders in the Bangsamoro.
10:05 I believe if there is an opportunity, our leaders will be in the middle
10:11 so that the two leaders of the Republic of the Philippines can talk.
10:18 You're right that we should acknowledge the role of former President Duterte
10:23 and former Speaker Pantaleon Alvarez in passing the Organic Law.
10:27 If they are not in agreement, there is no Bangsamoro.
10:32 But what Congressman Alvarez said, the problem is that there are many poor people in Mindanao,
10:38 there are many rich people in Mindanao who are exploiting the people of Imperial Manila or other corporations.
10:46 But what is the situation, the socio-economic condition in Mindanao?
10:51 Are you really a bit neglected or ignored by our people in Mindanao?
10:56 Yeah, we can say in general, most people in Mindanao are really neglected.
11:04 The natural resources alone, what is being exploited here are mostly from the corporations based in Makati.
11:17 Those whose headquarters are in Makati, they pay their taxes in Manila.
11:24 And how much of the taxes that we pay, they pay, how much of it goes back to Bangsamoro.
11:34 Take for instance the case of Bangsamoro, 5% is what we are asking for the amount of black grants.
11:46 But nonetheless, they said that there is a problem, let's go back to the topic of economic neglect,
11:56 they also know that there is neglect.
11:58 So there is really a need to amend the Constitution, particularly in the socio-economic provisions of the 1987 Constitution.
12:11 And now this brings back to what we are saying here in BARMM,
12:17 that we believe there is now an opportunity here to achieve the full implementation of the comprehensive agreement of the Bangsamoro,
12:32 the entrenchment of the Bangsamoro in the 1987 Constitution.
12:37 That is included in the framework of the agreement of the Bangsamoro.
12:41 Now as far as the Moro National Liberation Front is concerned, which I represent,
12:47 we really have hinged our hope on the comprehensive agreement of the Bangsamoro.
12:53 Because it was agreed by the MNLF, the MILF, the GPH and even the OIC
13:00 that the comprehensive agreement of the Bangsamoro will be the way to implement all signed peace agreements.
13:08 And even the former president agreed on that.
13:11 His two-pronged policy on the peace process is to implement all signed agreements in step with legal and constitutional reforms.
13:26 The legal reforms were already done. The Republic Act 9054 was repealed.
13:32 What is not being done now is the constitutional reform.
13:36 The former president even attempted to amend the Constitution and introduced the federalism idea.
13:44 We are really aggrieved by his view that there is something wrong with the system.
13:49 I believe that the current president's view is the same.
13:56 Their view that there is something wrong with the system is not far from the truth.
14:00 But again, I think it's only in the process that they should discuss what the process will be.
14:08 Is it constitutional convention, is it constituent assembly or people's initiative?
14:14 Congressman Alvarez said, we asked him how the process will be, how will you roll out your independent Mindanao project?
14:23 He said it's people power.
14:25 It means that people like those in EDSA will come out to express their freedom of expression.
14:35 We asked him what is the system of the government that you think is the federal system.
14:40 Administrative regions, there are six in Mindanao, there are bodies that are like independent or autonomous federal states.
14:49 He said that he doesn't have a clear timetable at this time but he wants awareness building.
14:59 Do you think there is hope that this will roll out?
15:04 That 26 million people from Mindanao will have to sign up for a project like this?
15:11 I definitely don't believe that it will roll out.
15:17 But I believe that the discussion will prosper, the people of Mindanao will have enlightenment.
15:27 We will all go back to the original situation during the time of President Duterte, what he called federalism.
15:37 That will be the focus of enlightenment.
15:43 I believe what the people will say is that President Duterte started his federalism project.
15:51 Maybe that's precisely the correct way to discuss this.
15:59 We have systems that we should change, not only the economic provisions of the constitution but even the systems.
16:09 But I believe this will not lead to the separation of Mindanao, Visayas and Luzon.
16:19 Okay. So the idea of federalism has been around for a long time, right?
16:24 There are many interested or keen in that advocacy.
16:28 But the last independent Mindanao project was first discussed by former President Duterte.
16:35 And it seems that they had a dispute or separation between Duterte and President BBM.
16:43 We asked Congressman Alvarez, how is that? Is that a joke or a joke?
16:51 Or is it a clear project that you want to do?
16:53 Because it started with the confidential and intelligence funds that were pulled out and then there was a conflict of interest.
17:00 There was a problem that the ICC might catch the former President Duterte.
17:04 What do you think? Is this the idea that will stand on its own because it's a possibly good idea?
17:11 Or because there are political skirmishes now?
17:14 I personally believe it cannot stand on its own on those premises that you have stated.
17:22 Let's compare that to the case of Moro National Liberation Front when they waged the armed struggle in the 70s.
17:30 That is a clear basis. In the words of the United States Constitution, there were trains of abuses that led to the enlightenment of the young Moro generation then.
17:49 They thought of joining the class and holding arms and fought against the abuse of the security forces.
18:01 Of course, not only the abuse of the security apparatus but also the rampant conflict, the very wide conflict of Moro and non-Moro
18:16 that led to the Moro to organize and fight.
18:24 Now, there is no such situation in order to sustain that call for secession.
18:34 There are only systems that can change the processes that are already in the legal system.
18:46 We can talk about that on the platform of the 1987 Constitution.
18:52 If there are good ideas and we can talk about the process of changing the Constitution,
18:59 it should be out there in the hands of political families that are not in agreement.
19:05 Yes. That's right. I believe this is not a family issue. I believe each has their own opinions that are in agreement with this discussion.
19:24 I believe it's in the process really. It's in the process that they disagree.
19:29 If they disagree on the process, then they can find ways. They can look for processes that are in accordance with the Constitution.
19:41 Through those processes, they can talk about the problems that should be solved.
19:47 The problems that should be solved for a long time.
19:57 That are not solved because they have their own suspicions and interests.
20:02 That is what becomes a stumbling block to resolve the inherent problems that are seen in the Constitution.
20:16 That is what becomes a barrier.
20:20 Maybe we can talk about sacrificing first. Let's not talk about the extension of terms first.
20:28 If there is an extension of terms, probably those are the sacrifices that all of us should bear
20:39 so that we can change the system of our government.
20:48 Okay. So Attorney Omar, you are listed as the principal author. Let's go back to BARMA.
20:56 The electoral code, local governance code, and rights of internally displaced persons.
21:05 Just a few on the long list.
21:08 But your electoral code seems to have additional provisions that are not in the omnibus election code.
21:17 Especially the representation of women. It seems like you have an affirmative action there.
21:23 Please explain so that they can see how different and how your electoral code is better.
21:30 We have already put all of our dreams and aspirations for the next generations in the electoral code.
21:44 We make sure that our governance would be inclusive and of course gender sensitive
21:56 and equitable in the distribution of resources. That is what we want to happen.
22:03 As far as gender sensitivity is concerned, we make sure that in the parliament there will be female representation.
22:13 We make sure that there will be women who will vote.
22:20 And not just the women from the families.
22:26 Because we know that there are women who vote but there are also women from the families.
22:34 With due respect to women, not all women are brought up with advocacy.
22:43 We believe that women who have their advocacy, who have their clear programs, who have their principles,
22:51 I mean, those that are not anchored in their name or in their family name, but on their own merits.
23:01 Women who can stand on their own merits.
23:04 They should be looked up to in the parliament.
23:07 And you know, if there are women, the future of the women is certain.
23:15 The children are certain because there are those who are in charge in the parliament.
23:21 That is what we want to make sure.
23:25 With due respect to the men, sometimes they do not articulate the issues, particularly social issues that affect women, the youth, the children.
23:48 What percentage of the parliament will come from women?
23:52 30 percent of the parliament will come from the women.
23:56 Of course, that will have a process in the party.
24:02 It depends on the party on the level of sharing.
24:06 Number one, number two, number three, number four, number five.
24:09 In the top five, how many women they want to put, that depends on the party.
24:15 We made sure, we were one of the advocates of this provision of the electoral code to ensure that there are women in the parliament.
24:29 That means 30 percent of 80 members of the parliament, so 24.
24:35 24.
24:36 That's the number of women in the parliament.
24:38 They will come from the parties that have requirements.
24:41 No, not from the parliament.
24:44 But 30 percent of the political parties should come, the nominees of the political parties shall come from the women.
24:54 Okay. And then the sectoral representatives?
24:57 In the sectoral representatives, there are two women who will sit in the parliament.
25:06 Okay. Now what does Comelec say? It seems like it's different because there are no gender affirmative provisions in our election code right now.
25:17 In other words, if you want to run for women, for men or LGBTQ community, it's okay.
25:23 For you, why do you need such a provision?
25:27 This is one way of ensuring women representation.
25:32 Women will have their say in policymaking and in legislation.
25:39 That's what we want to ensure.
25:42 In fact, from the words of the chair of the commission on elections, she herself said that the omnibus election codes are obsolete.
25:52 They are looking at our draft, at the bill we have passed.
25:56 Even the so-called 10,000 membership, even the chair of the Comelec and the president,
26:04 he mentioned this during his speech when we turned over the IRR of the draft IRR.
26:11 He said that's right. Mr. Chair, the president said that if you have a party, you should have a person.
26:20 That's what they saw.
26:24 I believe I saw this, can I say this in here? I saw an interview of the Supreme Court Chief Justice and he even advised the chair of the Comelec to start amending the omnibus election code.
26:39 10,000 members per political party.
26:42 That's what is included there. I think even the president appreciated that provision, ensuring that there is a political party and it will not be dominated by the families or the traditional politicians.
26:59 All right. So it means 10,000 members of the political party. How many total registered voters are there in BARC?
27:06 We have a total registered voter of almost two million.
27:11 Okay. How many political parties are active in the transition period?
27:18 From what we have been monitoring, there are seven to eight political parties that have already been registered with the Commission on Elections.
27:30 All of them, including the UBJP and the party of the Moro National Liberation Front, BAPA, Bangsamoro Party, are not accredited for the 2025 elections because we still have to wait for the establishment of the Bangsamoro Electoral Office,
27:47 the new regional office of the Commission on Elections. We still have to wait for the implementing rules and regulations of the Bangsamoro Electoral Code.
27:57 Okay. Aside from the parties that are clear, like the people, the bodies that are accountable, what are the changes?
28:08 For example, in the campaign finance, usually this is the way to hide where the donation came from, how the money was spent when the election came and the overspending.
28:19 It's hard to catch up because no one admits that they are buying votes.
28:23 As far as campaign finance is concerned, we still follow the provisions of the Omnibus Election Code.
28:31 But we have put a provision in the electoral code that would allow public financing, public funding of political parties.
28:44 Those who will be participating, there will be public funding for them until such time that they will not win.
28:55 If they do not win or the MP cannot produce, probably funding would be removed.
29:04 The important thing is we have agreed to put a provision in the electoral code that there will be public funding for political parties.
29:14 All right. For the viewers to understand, the political party reform bills pending in the Congress for a long time, it has public funding.
29:25 But this is to develop and make the advocacy clearer and the accountability of political parties.
29:34 How is that? Because usually, the problem of people is the politicians and the officials who are in favor of political parties and elections.
29:45 How can you ensure that the public funding will be well worth it?
29:49 Of course, they cannot hold the fund there.
29:53 I think the idea of public funding is access to campaign airtime.
30:07 The Bangsamoro government may be able to fund airtime for political parties.
30:15 Equitable sharing of airtime, equal access to airtime and it will be funded by the Bangsamoro government.
30:25 That is how it will look like.
30:30 Because we know that particularly here in the Bangsamoro, if you don't have money, you don't have access to airtime.
30:41 You cannot buy airtime. You can only campaign for a poster.
30:52 But airtime, which is I believe the more useful tool to campaign, airtime, is where all political parties should be given a chance.
31:04 With such funding, we can regulate the airtime of the political parties with more money.
31:16 That's the idea that we have embodied in this proposed public funding for political parties.
31:26 Like a Comelec Hour.
31:28 But it's not just a Comelec Hour where people will debate or what.
31:34 Even probably radio, they will be given one minute or 30 seconds.
31:41 Conserved by the Bangsamoro government.
31:44 Meanwhile, those who are planning to run, because they say, and you also acknowledged,
31:53 there are many political families in BARMM and they have the advantage of name recall, resources and their history.
32:04 Commando.
32:05 Yes.
32:06 Our next problem is, what is the participation of the former commanders?
32:12 What is the situation so far?
32:14 Because the former commanders have pending cases, unless there is an amnesty commission that clarifies their cases,
32:24 they might not be able to run when the filing of candidacy is near, in October.
32:30 Yes.
32:31 That's what we talked about with one of our colleagues yesterday who are in charge with the amnesty,
32:39 the pursuit of the amnesty provisions of the cab, MP Raiza de Jury.
32:45 We talked about that yesterday.
32:47 The election period is near, the 2025 election.
32:52 It's time to realize the amnesty, I mean, to process the applications for amnesty.
33:00 And I believe that for the many who will apply, because the 26,000 combatants who will be decommissioned,
33:12 all of those will have to be given amnesty proclamations.
33:16 Not just the commanders, because those 26,000 are voters.
33:22 If they cannot be given amnesty, how will they register as voters?
33:29 That's beside the point that the leaders, how will the candidates file their candidacy if there is a warrant of arrest against them.
33:41 So we spoke about it yesterday and we believe that the process of amnesty for the combatants of MILF is indispensable.
33:56 Not only for the MILF, even for the MNLF because it is covered by the Moro National Liberation Front.
34:02 So 26,000 are waiting for an applicant for amnesty, both the boots on ground and the commanders.
34:12 Will that be in time for the registration of new voters?
34:16 February will start and October will be the filing of certificates of candidacy.
34:22 So your time is only six months?
34:25 Yes. That's a concern that we really need to hurdle.
34:32 The numbers that have to be processed in the amnesty program are a challenge.
34:41 And the periods of registration are left.
34:46 Because the time is very limited. I believe when October comes, the filing of candidacies, there will be no registration.
34:59 So technically, that's it.
35:01 There are other activities in Bangsamoro like the plebiscite of the eight municipalities out of the SGA.
35:13 There are three municipalities out of the two municipalities.
35:19 These are activities that we need to hurdle also.
35:24 Particularly in government expenditure, if the plebiscite continues, there will be a comelec ban on expenditures.
35:38 I think that will be a hurdle, I mean the delivery of services will be delayed.
35:47 When is your plebiscite?
35:51 This year, around April of this year.
35:54 I think the date that was mentioned to me was April 13. I'm not really sure of this year.
36:02 Okay. So your calendar is very tight. Are there a lot of people who are asking for both commanders or former combatants compared with those from political families who want to run?
36:18 Yes, there are a lot. They are very influential.
36:26 They can run as a member of parliament.
36:32 I mean they can run for local legislative bodies like the Sangguniang Bayan, Sangguniang Pagalunso, or they would even want to run for mayors.
36:43 For instance, in the newly created municipalities, that's eight municipalities that can run.
36:53 Of course, in the other municipalities, they can also run because there are also following commanders of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front.
37:05 We have seen at least in one municipality where they won, here in Maguindanao del Norte.
37:12 One municipality in Maguindanao del Norte and one municipality in Maguindanao del Sur. They practically won in those two municipalities.
37:23 You can see that they really have, they would aspire.
37:31 No one would prevent them from aspiring for a local or regional position.
37:36 Alright. For political families, are there a lot of people who are running?
37:43 Because that's the fear of people that the BARMM experiment would just actually continue the rule of the dynasties if there are no other players running.
37:56 We cannot avoid that situation that they will not run anymore.
38:06 Because it's still a democratic process.
38:10 The MILF and the Moro National Liberation Front have already abandoned the armed struggle.
38:16 We have agreed to pursue our aspirations in the democratic process that we have been working on during this Pancamoro transition period.
38:28 So if you say democratic process, it's not just democracy for the MILF or for the MNLF, but for all.
38:36 We cannot stop it. But again, we continue to put stress on the fact that the system has changed.
38:48 Now, you should have a platform, you should have advocacy.
38:53 The problem is the recipient of the idea of platform and advocacy.
39:02 It's still up to the people, it's up to the masses.
39:06 If they continue to be influenced by name recall, the name of the traditional leaders, with due respect,
39:18 there is no clear qualification or career history.
39:30 It's still up to the people. But we are trying our best.
39:34 That's why many of us in the parliament have decided or are decided to participate in the process.
39:43 Because we want the people who are supposed to be beneficiaries of this new system in Pancamoro to trust the new system.
39:55 So we should fight it win or lose. We should fight the new process.
40:01 Because that's what we can leave to the masses that they can use in their favor to change their situation.
40:14 Attorney Omar, internally displaced persons, you have legislation on their rights.
40:23 Are there still many IDPs or internally displaced persons in the past years of war or conflict in the BARM area?
40:34 Well, there are still many. I believe it's still in the hundreds of thousands of displaced persons.
40:40 They are currently living in scattered places here in Cotabato City.
40:46 But there are still many IDPs here. They live with their relatives.
40:53 It's not that IDPs are refugees. Most of them live with their relatives.
41:02 It's not a good scenario because it's a question of livability and livelihood of the refugees.
41:16 Their livelihood is in their left behind properties.
41:21 If they are here in the city, they don't have a livelihood here. That's one concern.
41:28 But nonetheless, in general, even in Sabah, Malaysia, there are still many IDPs living there.
41:36 That's why we call them halaw. Most of them are still in Sabah and they are considered stateless.
41:44 We hope that the IDP bill will be able to materialize something for them, our internally displaced persons.
41:59 But of course, it's not just in conflict or armed conflict, even as a consequence of climate change, etc.
42:10 So it's taken into consideration in the IDP bill.
42:15 Do you have a general profile with them? How many are minor, how many are senior age, how many are female, how many are male?
42:25 Do you have that kind of profiling?
42:27 As far as my office is concerned, I don't have data on their profiles.
42:33 I believe it's the families. If there are people who are displaced, it's in the families.
42:40 The whole family is displaced.
42:43 The father cannot leave his children.
42:50 And of course, currently if we look at the population of Bangsu Samoro, 50% are young.
43:00 Below 18 years old?
43:06 Yes, below 18 years old is the population. Around 30% of that, but above 18 years old, 50% are young.
43:20 Okay. So that means there are a lot of first-time voters for May 2025?
43:27 Yes, there are a lot of first-time voters, I believe, because...
43:36 We don't have elections yet.
43:38 That's right, the elections that took place in the barangay.
43:41 We will look into the data of the COMELEC, how many people need to be addressed in the IDP bill.
43:50 We believe that the intent of the law is to make sure that in times of conflict, in times of displacement, their rights are protected.
44:02 All right. Now, about the madrasa schools, you also have a panokala there, right?
44:07 Because there are madrasa schools or departments in different schools, even here in Metro Manila.
44:14 What is the difference in your panokala?
44:17 Well, of course, we made sure that the curriculum will... In the curriculum, there are Arabic and Islamic studies.
44:33 Okay.
44:45 We made sure that in the curriculum, in public and private schools, there will be Islamic studies.
45:03 Okay.
45:04 That's the reason why the Bangsamoro Education Code was passed.
45:14 Now, we just passed the REMA bill, the Regional Madrasa Academy.
45:24 We have elevated its status as an Islamic academy that can accommodate even non-Muslim students who would want to learn about Islam and Arabic studies.
45:43 Although there are schools that offer that, particularly the Mindanao State University, this one will be solely operated by the Bangsamoro government.
45:55 Okay.
45:57 Because now, we don't have a say in the curriculum that the state universities are offering, like Mindanao State University.
46:06 This Islamic academy will be operated by the Ministry of Basic Higher and Technical Education.
46:17 Okay.
46:18 Atty. Omar, just to be clear, the BARMM and the Transition Authority Parliament is just to clarify everything.
46:27 Not everything is for Muslims in Mindanao. There are Catholics, Protestants, and other religions who live in your area.
46:37 How can you explain to everyone that this is not a bad thing?
46:42 There should be no suspicion. You should not be suspicious.
46:47 So, this project is an experiment in actual innovations in governance, autonomy for the Bangsamoro people, but also for all the people in the Bangsamoro areas.
47:00 Well, first of all, the set up of the Bangsamoro government, particularly the parliament, ensured the participation of non-Muslims, particularly the settler communities.
47:18 Even the indigenous peoples secured their seat there through the sectoral representation.
47:26 Through that, they can participate in lawmaking and policymaking in the Bangsamoro government.
47:33 That will be their platform to participate in the process.
47:38 Now, as far as the operations of the cabinet is concerned, under the office of the Chief Minister, there is an office for settler communities.
47:48 And there is an office for the indigenous, there is a ministry for the indigenous peoples affairs.
47:54 And these are all, these are all instrumentalities where they can participate in policymaking and in running the affairs of the Bangsamoro government.
48:08 So, it can be considered as a platform for transparency because there are people, those offices have people and most probably,
48:22 they will hire people to be the Chief Minister.
48:27 But of course, the settler communities, we will have to have them seated in Bangsamoro.
48:39 Of course, he can be a Christian, he can be a Catholic, he can be a Protestant.
48:43 Of course, that will have to be with due consideration to the trust and confidence of the appointing authority of the Chief Minister.
48:52 So, there are a lot of things in the Bangsamoro government that can ensure that they can turn to when in case of doubt,
49:03 in case of doubt as far as the affairs of the Bangsamoro is concerned.
49:08 We in the Bangsamoro government, we continue to abide by the freedom of information law.
49:16 We have our websites in the Parliament, the Cabinet, the office of the Chief Minister has its own website.
49:24 The Bangsamoro government as a whole has its own website.
49:28 So, these are all mechanisms that can be utilized for open governance.
49:37 The Bangsamoro government has abided by this policy of open governance.
49:44 Just recently, the Secretary of Budget and Management visited the BARMM and inaugurated open governance in the Bangsamoro.
49:54 Localized OGP project. Open government partnership.
49:59 So, Attorney, what is in the agenda now is the preparation for the May 2025 elections.
50:06 First time ever. And the reforms that you are doing to institutionalize autonomy, good governance, etc.
50:16 So, if you have an interest or you have not noticed yet,
50:22 this independent Mindanao project of Congressman Pantaleon Alvarez and former President Duterte.
50:28 We consider that as a distraction, ma'am. It is considered as a distraction from the objective of the Bangsamoro.
50:37 We are doing well in this process. We're doing well. Everyone is doing well.
50:47 The national government, the regional government is doing well.
50:51 The parties to the peace agreement are doing well.
50:54 We're all in the same page here in sustaining the gains of the peace process, preserving all of these.
51:02 And we believe that this process works.
51:07 Now, we cannot be distracted from these talks.
51:16 Because we are willing even to, I believe our leaders are willing to intervene in these talks.
51:26 As far as we are concerned, we are seeing an opportunity to amend the constitution
51:33 to entrench Bangsamoro in the 1987 constitution.
51:41 And that I believe that is the be-all, end-all in the peace process.
51:48 That is the ultimate. Because we are seeing that even the electoral code has a petition in the Supreme Court.
51:56 More so, the Bangsamoro Organic Law has a petition in the Supreme Court.
52:01 All of these, we are seeing that there is a sword of democracy above the Bangsamoro Organic Law.
52:10 And when we were writing, because I am part of the Bangsamoro Transition Commission,
52:16 when we were writing the Bangsamoro Organic Law, we all agreed, the 21 of us, the expanded BTC,
52:22 including the chair then, the late Kajali Jaffar, that the only way to protect the Bangsamoro Organic Law
52:29 is to make sure that the Bangsamoro will be entrenched in the constitution.
52:35 And not in other things like the sect in the now.
52:40 No. Because we know that if Bangsamoro succeeds, everyone will succeed.
52:46 Because we believe, we are not going to be dependent forever.
52:51 I mean, the dependency on the national government as far as budgeting and funding requirements is concerned,
53:01 we still have to rise and stand on our own.
53:06 We need resources that we have revenue generation.
53:12 If we succeed there, I believe everybody will be happy.
53:19 Let's say, codify the 1987 constitution.
53:24 Amend Article 10 of the 1987 constitution and make sure that all the powers that have been granted
53:34 or have been agreed upon in the Comprehensive Agreement of Bangsamoro,
53:38 in the 1976 Tripoli Agreement, in the 1996 Final Peace Agreement, will be embedded in the 1987 constitution.
53:46 Okay. In the meantime, how many provinces in Mindanao are in your country?
53:54 Six.
53:55 Six. So 21.
53:57 Three cities.
54:01 All right. So, the only ones left are 21 and 27, which are just cities.
54:10 Because you want institutionalization. Codify it. Enshrine it in the constitution.
54:16 So that the Bangsamoro Comprehensive Agreement will be a final agreement, not a separation.
54:24 So that the division will end.
54:27 Okay. All right.
54:29 We are saying that the solution to the problem is not secession or separation.
54:37 It is a matter of negotiation. If they think that the system does not work,
54:44 probably the presidential system, maybe they can even adopt a parliamentary system,
54:49 a parliamentary federal system where each will have their own self-governing region.
54:56 All right. Okay.
54:58 So, we thank Attorney Omar Yacercema, the Deputy Speaker of the Bangsamoro Transition Authority Parliament
55:08 and a member of the Expanded Transition Commission of Bangsamoro.
55:13 Have a good day and thank you very much. Take care, sir. Let's stay updated.
55:17 Thank you, Ma'am Malu. Thank you for having us. Much appreciated.
55:21 ♪

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