• 5 months ago
Dr. Jonathan Schanzer, Senior Vice President for Research at the Foundation for Defense of Democracies, joins "Forbes Newsroom" to discuss Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu disbanding the country's war cabinet.

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Transcript
00:00Hi, everybody. I'm Brittany Lewis with Forbes Breaking News. Joining me now is Dr. Jonathan
00:07Shanzer, Senior Vice President for Research at the FDD. Dr. Shanzer, thank you so much
00:12for coming on once again. My pleasure. Big news out of Israel on Monday. Prime Minister
00:18Benjamin Netanyahu has officially dissolved his war cabinet. So before we dive into what
00:24this all means, can you explain the importance of the war cabinet? This comes eight months
00:28after the start of the war. Sure. The war cabinet was essentially just three people
00:33making a lot of the core decisions. They're the senior people involved at the executive
00:38level. So this was Benjamin Netanyahu, of course, the Prime Minister of Israel, as well
00:43as Yoav Galant, the Defense Minister of Israel, and then Benny Gantz, who came in from the
00:49opposition, former Chief of Staff of the Israel Defense Force. The three of them theoretically
00:56had the most combined experience in that they were the wise men making decisions on
01:03behalf of the people. You have to remember that this is important primarily because there
01:08is no commander in chief in the Israeli system. The Prime Minister is not endowed with the
01:14same powers militarily as the President of the United States. So that means that a certain
01:19amount of consensus needs to be formed in order for decisions to be taken that have
01:24security implications. So this was the mechanism that had been created. There's also something
01:32called the security cabinet, which is a wider group of individuals. And then there's the
01:36broader government itself that can approve of big decisions. What we're seeing right
01:42now is the dismantling of a structure that has guided Israel's war efforts for the last
01:48eight months. And we're now headed into uncharted territory without that mechanism.
01:54So I want to talk about an event that could have been the impetus to this. And there were
01:59some infighting within the three wise men, as you said, of this war cabinet between the
02:03more centrist Benny Gantz and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. And Gantz resigned a little
02:09over a week ago. And he said that Netanyahu was putting his politics over the safe return
02:13of the hostages. So do you think that Gantz's resignation was the impetus of the war
02:19cabinet being dissolved?
02:21Well, absolutely. And you have to remember that Gantz came at all of this from a slightly
02:28different place than Netanyahu. However, I think we need to acknowledge here that Israelis
02:33of all stripes right now are not, I don't think you really see anybody in the mainstream
02:38that's opposed to Israel finishing the war against Hamas in the Gaza Strip, for example.
02:44Israelis of all stripes see that as important. Similarly, I think most Israelis see the need
02:50to probably fight a war on Israel's northern front against the Lebanese Hezbollah, which
02:55is Iran's most powerful proxy. The Israelis, I think, generally speaking, understand the
03:01imperative of winning this war. I think their differences were about time frame. Gantz was
03:09actually asking for Netanyahu to come back with plans for how to get the hostages back,
03:14how to win the war writ large, and what the day after scenario might look like in the
03:20Gaza Strip. And when Netanyahu was unable to give him those sort of, you know, specific
03:27plans that he was asking for, that was kind of the moment that the wheels began to fall
03:32off the bus. And we saw him, of course, he was actually supposed to announce his
03:36resignation on the day of that very dramatic hostage release last Saturday. He put off
03:43that announcement for the day because, well, his announcement would have been really
03:47overtaken by events. So he announced it on Sunday. Ever since that time, what we've
03:52actually seen is something else that has prompted this, which is that there is a right
03:57wing politician by the name of Itamar Benkvir. He is somewhat controversial here in
04:03Washington and perhaps in Western capitals around the world. He's pro-settlement, a
04:09bit more right of center than even the government itself, which is right of center.
04:15And he started to make demands that he be included in this war cabinet. I think it was
04:22at that moment that Benjamin Netanyahu realized that if he agreed to those demands, that
04:27it would essentially put him and President Biden on a collision course. And so rather
04:32than sustain this mechanism and include somebody that he knew would probably
04:39inject additional tension with the United States, I think he did this actually for the
04:45good of the U.S.-Israel relationship, which is, of course, not how it's being painted
04:50right now. But I do think that he understood that this would have put him in an
04:55untenable position with the president of the United States.
04:59Before we get into what this means for U.S. relations here, I am curious about what this
05:03paints. What does this signal to you? Does this signal a form of chaos? Does it seem what
05:09is the sentiment that Israel feels over this? Because you did mention we are an uncharted
05:14territory.
05:16No, it feels a bit chaotic, and I think we need to acknowledge that. It doesn't mean that
05:21the IDF doesn't have a plan. It doesn't mean that the leadership don't also have plans.
05:26I mean, I think we know that the war in Gaza, the objectives are still the same. The war
05:32plans for a potential conflagration with Hezbollah on Israel's northern border, I think
05:39still largely the same. It's really, I think, a question of having a set of leaders that
05:46are trusted by the Israeli people making decisions in concert, a show of unity. Without
05:53that right now, I think it opens up the war. It's more susceptible now to politics. Those
06:01politics have always been there. Israeli politics are raucous. They are contentious. It's
06:07not two parties like here in the United States where it's just one or the other. These are
06:11multiple parties that make up a parliamentary majority, and that majority can be toppled
06:16quickly. The dynamics change with the introduction of new parties, with people defecting
06:23from their old parties. I think these are the sorts of things that we need to watch for
06:27right now. I have expected this from the beginning that the Netanyahu government would
06:31not likely hold in perpetuity. That's just not possible in the Israeli system. And what
06:37we're watching right now is potentially the unraveling of the government that has held
06:43since the war began on October 7th. And politically, what do you think this does to Netanyahu?
06:48Because as we know, Benny Gantz was a more centrist figure, a centrist leader. He has
06:53now resigned. Ben-Gavir is even more right of center than Netanyahu. So does this mean
07:00that the next phase of this war, perhaps, or the leadership will be more right wing?
07:07You know, that is an interesting question. And at least for right now, I'm not getting
07:12the sense that that will be the case. Now, that, of course, could change. But right now,
07:16I just don't see it. What Netanyahu has said is that he's going to start engaging with
07:23advisors, trusted people that have come out of the system. So former national security advisors,
07:30former chiefs of staff, people where he values their opinion, where they have experience in
07:36specific matters, where he's looking for advice. And of course, this is still a democratic system,
07:43one that is based on consensus. And so, you know, if Netanyahu ended up taking positions that were
07:48deemed too right of center, he would hear about it. What I think what we are seeing is that the
07:54IDF, which is still in charge of this war, the military that is fighting this war, they continue
08:00to engage in best practices militarily. They are very sensitive to the laws of war. Obviously,
08:06there's been a lot of scrutiny in recent months about the way that the Israelis have conducted
08:11this. It's not going to change any of those rules of engagement. It's not going to change the
08:16tactics or very likely the strategies that we see. What I'm really more concerned about right
08:21now is whether the prime minister is going to be getting the advice that he needs in terms of
08:27victory writ large. This is a long war that's being waged by Iran against Israel. Iran and
08:35multiple proxies. We see now seven fronts where things have turned hot, right? Gaza, West Bank,
08:42Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Yemen, and Iran itself. This is a complicated war, and the prime minister
08:49needs help, and he needs help in as many places as he can get it. And without this mechanism,
08:56that's my concern. I think we need to hope here that the Israelis find a way of perhaps building
09:03some kind of a new mechanism or working some new process out that ensures that the prime minister
09:09gets the relevant expertise and advice that is necessary to wage this battle. Because again,
09:16the Iranians and their proxies are active, and they can be rather brutal as we've seen
09:21over these eight months. I know that the war cabinet has been dissolved, but has Netanyahu
09:27offered any type of alternative yet? I know it's been just a few hours since it's been dissolved,
09:33but what would an alternative look like for help in this multi front war?
09:39Well, you know, I think we don't know exactly what this mechanism might look like. There is,
09:45by the way, a possibility once he's, you know, decided to scuttle this mechanism that some
09:50new one could be formed that, you know, also could exclude Benver as this last one did.
09:58What's sort of, you know, interesting is that Benver even wants this role. He is not a seasoned
10:04military person. This is not a man that truly understands the various theaters that Israel is
10:11fighting, nor does he understand the strategies or tactics. And so, you know, I mean, I think
10:16he's been primarily focused on the status of the West Bank, which has seen a huge amount of
10:22activity. There are multiple Iran backed terror groups that are operating out of there. We've
10:27seen a lot of weapons flowing into the West Bank by way of Iran across the Jordanian border. There's
10:34a lot happening in the West Bank. In fact, there was a report that came out, I think it was either
10:38last night or this morning, suggesting that Israel has arrested more than 4,000 people that have been
10:44engaged in terror related activities. So it's not to say that the West Bank is not relevant. It is,
10:51but maybe Netanyahu comes up with some kind of mechanism that deals with the West Bank that
10:56might include Benver without including him in, let's say, a broader war cabinet. These are the
11:03sorts of things that I think Netanyahu, who is known to be somewhat creative bureaucratically,
11:07he's created new ministers in the past. He's created new mechanisms in the past.
11:12It's quite possible that he comes up with something that looks like a compromise,
11:16but that ultimately keeps things, relatively speaking, at the status quo. But again,
11:21I think we cannot deny that there is a bit of upheaval here right now after Benny Gantz's
11:26departure. I think that was baked into the equation from the weekend. We knew it was going
11:31to happen. And now we're watching Netanyahu try to figure out how to stabilize things and maybe
11:37bring in some new advisors who can help. And what does this upheaval do to the United States'
11:44relationship with Israel currently? Because as you said earlier, Ben Gavir asked Netanyahu or urged
11:50him to be part of this war cabinet. Obviously, Netanyahu has since dissolved it. Lawmakers in
11:56the United States have called out Ben Gavir by name. So what does this all mean for U.S.-Israel
12:01relations? Well, I mean, I think right now it looks like Benjamin Netanyahu is making sure that
12:07the U.S.-Israel relationship remains quite intact. I mean, knowing that he's that Ben Gavir is kind
12:12of a live wire here or maybe in some cases toxic. You know, the idea that he's not being included,
12:20the idea that Netanyahu did not allow for this, I think is a good sign. I would say,
12:26though, that when we talk about the U.S., I am concerned right now that the U.S. may be
12:32a little bit more involved in Israeli politics than it should be. We've seen that, you know,
12:39Benny Gantz several weeks ago before he made this announcement, he came to the U.S.
12:45and he met with U.S. officials against the wishes of his prime minister. That was not a good sign
12:52to me. I would also argue that when Anthony Blinken went to Israel just, I guess, last week,
12:59it was just a few days ago. Yes, he met with the prime minister, but he also met with members of
13:04the opposition, which is not a normal thing to do. We know that this administration maybe has
13:13not been looking upon Netanyahu entirely favorably. And I do get the sense that they are
13:20involved more than they should be in how this coalition has been operating, the way that it
13:27engages with the United States. This is, you know, I need to be careful here because I can't see
13:32everything that's going on. But if the U.S. is involved and we are meddling, this is not a good
13:38look for the leaders of the free world. This is not what we do with other democracies. We should
13:43not be messing with their politics, even if we don't like how elements of this war have been
13:49dealt with or elements of the political spectrum that are involved in this government. This is not
13:55America's place. Israel is, at the end of the day, still a democracy. It is still an ally of the
14:00United States. And it would be really dismaying to see the United States engaging in ways that it
14:06shouldn't. I am curious what you believe this does to a potential ceasefire deal. You spoke
14:13with my colleague last week after Benny Gantz's resignation, and you said there are still a lot
14:18of loose ends. Mainly you're concerned about Hezbollah in the north. What are those loose
14:23ends? What about a ceasefire deal? What are you looking out for next? Sure. I mean, well,
14:28the ceasefire deal that's on the table is Biden's agreement, Biden's deal that he proposed.
14:34The Israelis have been lukewarm about it from the beginning. Biden says that it was
14:39done with the acquiescence or the agreement of the Israelis. The message out of Israel is that
14:45they're still deeply uncomfortable with what's been proposed. Biden, nonetheless, took this to
14:52the UN and really tried to enshrine this through the international system. And the biggest impediment
15:00right now to this deal, even though the Israelis are deeply concerned, is that Hamas has not agreed
15:05to it. And we continue to see rejectionism on the part of Yahya Sinwar, the leader of Hamas,
15:12as well as some of the political figures that are based in places like Qatar or Turkey that
15:17are also involved in Hamas decision making. And so I think Hamas remains the biggest impediment
15:23to a deal being implemented in Gaza. The Israelis, I think, would like to make a deal that brings back
15:30more hostages in exchange for a halt in hostilities, not a permanent end to the war,
15:36but let's say a few weeks or even maybe a few months, if it means getting those Israeli citizens
15:42back. That has been on the table ever since. But really, I'd say that the complexity right now is
15:47really, in my mind, it's the northern border. Hezbollah has carried out a very large number
15:53of attacks, thousands of different missile and drone attacks, some attempted incursions.
16:00We've seen a number of soldiers killed and civilians injured and killed inside of Israel.
16:06They've burned a lot of arable land. Hezbollah has done this. And really, the volume has picked
16:13up significantly. And so the Israelis have responded in kind. This, I should note, has
16:18been happening since October 8th. Hezbollah just began firing upon Israel one day after Hamas
16:25carried out its attacks, and this has been a constant ever since. I am deeply concerned about
16:31this element of the war. I actually don't see these as two separate wars. As I mentioned before,
16:36these are both proxies of Iran, funded, armed, and trained by Iran. And really, what it looks
16:42like is just an escalation, a broader escalation on the part of the Islamic Republic to squeeze
16:49Israel now from two sides. And after two sides, we might see three or four. We know that they all
16:56exist. We know that they're armed. We know that they're trained and they're ready to fight. So
17:00the question is, how far does Iran take this? I still believe this is a multi-front war that is
17:06being waged against Israel, not some isolated thing that's been happening in the Gaza Strip.
17:12So let's say there is a ceasefire deal that is eventually agreed to between Hamas and Israel.
17:20Does that automatically stop Hezbollah from attacking on the north end?
17:25No, not at all. I mean, it's possible. One scenario is that if the war ends in Gaza in
17:33some shape or form or a ceasefire is implemented, it's actually quite possible that Hezbollah
17:39continues to fire. But there's another part of this too, which is, and people are generally not
17:45aware of this, that somewhere around 150,000 Israelis have been evacuated from their homes
17:50in the northern communities along that border with Lebanon. Roughly the same number have been
17:56evacuated from southern Lebanon. They've been forced to flee as well. What we're looking at
18:01here is kind of a no man's land that has cleared out as a result of this war. I don't know about
18:07Lebanon, but I can tell you that the Israelis are not willing to cede that ground, and they believe
18:13that either we're going to have to see Hezbollah agree to a UN Security Council resolution dating
18:19back to 2006, that's UN Security Council Resolution 1701, demanding that all forces, all non-state
18:26forces, specifically Hezbollah, retreat north of what's known as the Litani River, which runs
18:32east-west across the country, about 10 miles north of the border. This needs to be implemented
18:39for Israeli citizens to go home, because right now Hezbollah's deployed all across the south
18:44with a massive missile and drone threat. They have 200,000 rockets at their disposal, Hezbollah does,
18:50with some very advanced weapons, some very scary things that I think the world will soon learn
18:55about. This is not sustainable for the Israelis. And so even if a deal is caught
19:02on the return of hostages and maybe a pause in fighting or an even end to a fighting,
19:07we are still looking at a potential war that, in my view, and I said this last week with your
19:13colleague, this could be the most devastating war the Middle East has ever seen. This is the world's
19:18most powerful non-state actor, the most powerful terrorist group. They are equal in strength to
19:24the average European military with, as I mentioned, 200,000 rockets. That would be a brutal war with
19:32Israel. And so this is what we're looking at right now amidst the Gaza war and amidst these
19:39discussions about what happens next. Well, Dr. Shanzer, I hear you raising the alarm.
19:45Per usual, I appreciate your insights. And as the situation develops, I hope you come back on
19:50and join me again for another conversation. Dr. Jonathan Shanzer, I appreciate it. My pleasure. Anytime.

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