Bushra Bibi Raha Lekin Bani PTI Ki Behnain Abhi Tak Qaid Kyun??
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00:00If this relief is being given and the message of softness is being given,
00:05then even Busha Bibi is left out, who had a bigger case, an issue.
00:09Jali was a weak case, but it was a big case to look at.
00:13And the sisters of Imran Khan are also inside. Their cases are very lesser.
00:19Then why were they not left out in this small justice?
00:23Sir, there is a very simple thing, which Mr. Abhishek said.
00:30This is the biggest misfortune of any court.
00:33Not only this, you can pick up the Supreme Court or the High Court.
00:37If a layman like me can look at the judges and tell,
00:43that which mind these judges are of.
00:46These are of the Muslim League known mind, these are of the PTI mind, these are of the People's Party mind.
00:52There can't be a bigger misfortune of the judiciary than this.
00:57But this mind is known. In America, you know, there are conservative judges, there are liberals.
01:02That is a different thing.
01:05Everyone knew what the decision would be.
01:08Here, it's not just this.
01:13Here, it's not just politicization of judiciary, it's also polarization of judiciary.
01:18Yes, both are there.
01:19That you are polarized, you are so much polarized.
01:22Now, Justice Jaya Khan Afridi has one option,
01:27to call a full court meeting.
01:29In a full court meeting, you have an idea.
01:31Of course, there are so many seasoned judges.
01:34They have an idea of who is of which mind.
01:36But in a full court meeting, there can be a discussion of agree to disagree.
01:40You can also go to the full court bench.
01:43But Jaya Afridi has a window of opportunity.
01:48And the window of opportunity is,
01:50that the Supreme Court normal cases,
01:53which are pending appeals,
01:55which are not related to politics,
01:58should be on that side.
02:00And all these cases should continue in the constitutional benches.
02:04So, call a full court bench,
02:07and decide on this ordinance,
02:09rightly or wrongly.
02:11I want to ask one thing.
02:15As far as politics is concerned.
02:17The question that is bugging me.
02:19You talked about politics.
02:21I will ask a political question first.
02:23Sir will also ask.
02:24Tell me one thing.
02:26One theory is going on in Islamabad,
02:29that before 8th February,
02:31this was the thought of the government,
02:33ruling parties, establishment,
02:35that PTI should be destroyed.
02:37Then 8th February happened.
02:39Sweeping results came.
02:41Then on 9th February, 10th February,
02:43a lot had to be done.
02:44Then this thought arose,
02:45that the party should be controlled.
02:47And how should it be done,
02:48that alternate leadership should be made,
02:50and soft things should be done,
02:52in which the ultimate prize is,
02:54that Imran Khan should not come out.
02:56But there should be so many power centers in the party,
02:59that neither the party can protest,
03:01nor the party can do street movement.
03:03The structure should be destroyed to a large extent.
03:06The luck is that,
03:08small releases are being given to the party in pockets.
03:11But the ultimate step is,
03:13that Imran Khan should come out.
03:15And if he comes out,
03:17maybe you and I agree on this,
03:19that if he comes out,
03:21then all the political parameters will change.
03:23So is this scheme succeeding,
03:27that alternate power centers should be made in the party,
03:30and these threats are coming,
03:32that if there is no protest,
03:34then there should be a protest.
03:36That the party should feel that it is protesting,
03:38that it is fighting,
03:39but there is no meaningful impact.
03:41Has this been a strategic victory,
03:44of the establishment and the government,
03:46or has it not happened yet?
03:48Look,
03:50Malik, it is a very simple thing.
03:53Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto was arrested on 5th July 1977,
03:57and then he was released.
04:00And as a result of his release,
04:02he realized that,
04:04his massive support has not ended.
04:06So he was arrested again,
04:08and then what happened to him in front of us.
04:11As long as Bhutto was there,
04:13as long as Bhutto was there,
04:15as long as Bhutto was there,
04:17no matter what groups were formed,
04:19it did not matter.
04:21And even after that it did not matter,
04:23because Bhutto was hanged,
04:25and Bhutto's sympathy escalated a lot.
04:28Imran Khan is present here,
04:30and in the presence of Imran Khan,
04:33no cracks can come in Tehreek-e-Insaf.
04:38Because the day he will be released,
04:40all of that will be over.
04:42But before he is released,
04:44what is the problem of Tehreek-e-Insaf?
04:47I am asking you,
04:49is the party still in a position,
04:51to make a big protest movement,
04:54which will force the government,
04:56or force the establishment,
04:58to sit with them and talk?
05:01No, it is not.
05:03Look, there are two things.
05:05One is that in Pakistan,
05:07most of the movements are run
05:09with the help of the establishment.
05:11I can say about the movement of MRD in 1983,
05:14that it was a genuine movement,
05:16a genuine alliance.
05:18The second thing is that,
05:20in the current situation,
05:22Tehreek-e-Insaf,
05:24from April 2022 onwards,
05:26has not been able to run any meaningful movement.
05:29In that, we see their organizational weaknesses,
05:32we see extremist groups within them,
05:35we see the issue of taking the best out of each other,
05:39plus, we see the onslaught of government
05:42and non-government forces on them.
05:45Will Pusha Bibi become a new power centre,
05:48and will there be a new war,
05:50as to who will gain their trust?
05:53Or will it be completely apolitical?
05:59It all depends on what Imran Khan says,
06:03or what Imran Khan does not say.
06:06Whoever it is,
06:08whether it is his sisters,
06:10or his wife,
06:12if Imran Khan's concerns are not included in it,
06:15then he will not get support.
06:17And it is obvious that,
06:19there is a tension between the sisters and Pusha Bibi,
06:23which is apparent.
06:25But, the centre of politics,
06:27I doubt that Pusha Bibi will win.