Namfrel trains youth for SK leadership | Business and Politics - video Dailymotion

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Namfrel trains youth for SK leadership | Business and Politics  Namfrel Chairman Lito Averia Jr.  highlights the importance of getting the youth involved in the community through the Sanguniang Kabataan (SK). Namfrel offers training programs for aspiring SK candidates, as some reports would suggest that SK officials have become corrupt. He added that the villages (barangay) are the most powerful units of government at the micro level.  Subscribe to The Manila Times Channel - https://tmt.ph/YTSubscribe    Visit our website at https://www.manilatimes.net    Follow us:  Facebook - https://tmt.ph/facebook  Instagram - https://tmt.ph/instagram  Twitter - https://tmt.ph/twitter  DailyMotion - https://tmt.ph/dailymotion    Subscribe to our Digital Edition - https://tmt.ph/digital    Check out our Podcasts:  Spotify - https://tmt.ph/spotify  Apple Podcasts - https://tmt.ph/applepodcasts  Amazon Music - https://tmt.ph/amazonmusic  Deezer: https://tmt.ph/deezer  Stitcher: https://tmt.ph/stitcher Tune In: https://tmt.ph/tunein   #TheManilaTimes  #BusinessandPolitics

Transcript

00:00 >> Good evening and welcome to SMNI.

00:02 You're watching Business and Politics.

00:03 I'm your host, Dante Klingham.

00:05 For the first time on this program,

00:07 we have a guest appearing for

00:08 the second time.

00:09 He's Lito Averio Jr.,

00:11 Chairperson of NAMFRL, or

00:12 the National Citizens Movement for

00:14 Free Elections.

00:16 If you recall, Mr. Averio is an

00:17 expert on cybersecurity.

00:19 He lectures or facilitates talks on

00:20 that and related topics,

00:22 like data privacy protection,

00:24 disaster recovery and

00:25 business continuity, and

00:26 Internet governance.

00:28 He's also a resource person for

00:29 the Supreme Court Subcommittee on

00:31 E-Commerce, and is a member of

00:32 the PNP Anti-Cybercrime Group

00:34 Advisory Council.

00:35 For transparency, I should also

00:37 add that he writes a weekly column

00:39 for the Manila Times.

00:40 We invited Mr. Averio today to

00:42 talk about the recent Balangay and

00:43 Sangguniang Kabataan elections,

00:45 which media and observers reported

00:47 were generally peaceful.

00:48 But there were pockets of violence,

00:50 incidents of vote buying, and

00:51 other poll infractions.

00:53 With that, we'll also talk about

00:54 electoral reform and

00:56 future elections, particularly

00:57 about the preparations for 2025.

01:00 We'll ask him, what is NAMPRA

01:02 assessment of the last elections,

01:04 and what can we learn from it for

01:05 future polls?

01:06 >> Sir, Eleuter Averio, thank you

01:08 for coming here for a second time.

01:10 >> Good evening,

01:11 it's a pleasure to be here.

01:13 >> Well, it's been a couple of

01:15 weeks since we had the BSKE.

01:17 I believe in NAMPRA's initial

01:20 assessment was that the elections

01:23 were generally peaceful.

01:24 We heard similar things from PPCRV.

01:27 But now that the deaths are

01:29 settled, does your initial

01:30 assessment hold?

01:31 >> It still holds.

01:34 In general, it was peaceful and

01:37 orderly, the conduct and

01:40 the execution of the process.

01:42 >> Okay.

01:43 >> So the election workers knew

01:45 what to do on that day.

01:46 >> Okay.

01:47 >> So, but of course,

01:50 it was not 100% peaceful because

01:53 there were areas where anomalies

01:56 occurred, where we observed.

01:57 For example, election violence,

02:00 there were shooting incidents that

02:03 were reported.

02:04 There were intimidation and

02:07 harassment incidents that were

02:10 observed, okay?

02:12 So that's the peace and

02:14 order assessment.

02:16 But when we do assess the elections,

02:19 we ask ourselves some questions.

02:21 Was it competitive?

02:25 >> Okay.

02:26 >> Was it free?

02:28 >> Okay. >> Was it fair?

02:30 >> Okay. >> Right, so

02:30 those are some of the indicators.

02:32 >> Those are new metrics that-

02:34 >> No, no, these are

02:35 international metrics.

02:36 >> I see.

02:37 >> Okay, so what we do is we look

02:40 at, let's say for

02:41 example, competitiveness.

02:42 There were areas reportedly,

02:47 as observed by observers,

02:49 that there were barangays where

02:52 there was uncontested positions.

02:55 Meaning there's only one-

02:56 >> No opponent, yeah.

02:57 >> Yeah, no opponent for

02:59 the posts.

03:00 >> Yeah.

03:01 >> Okay, even in the San

03:02 Goniang Kabataan elections.

03:03 One specific example that I can

03:05 cite is the case of Baguio City.

03:08 >> Okay, which you were-

03:10 >> Yes, I visited them a few weeks

03:12 before the elections,

03:13 the election officer in Baguio.

03:16 And I was told that 16 out of 128

03:19 barangays did not have any SK

03:21 candidates.

03:22 >> Right.

03:23 >> So there was no choice.

03:25 The youth in Baguio,

03:26 in those barangays,

03:28 did not have anybody to choose.

03:30 >> And we were talking earlier

03:31 that there were some areas,

03:33 I should, in the country where

03:35 there were no candidates at all.

03:36 I think this was in the SK

03:37 elections, or?

03:38 >> This was in the SK elections.

03:40 >> Okay. >> Specifically,

03:41 Baguio City is an example.

03:44 >> Okay. >> Is an example.

03:45 >> Okay.

03:46 >> In the south, I think in

03:49 Basilan.

03:50 >> Okay.

03:52 >> Our observers reported that in

03:53 the barangay level, there was only,

03:55 uncontested positions again.

03:58 >> Right.

03:59 >> So competition,

04:01 there was no competition.

04:04 >> I was meaning new metrics,

04:06 in a sense that for the media,

04:08 I guess for the public.

04:09 >> Yeah. >> We're always so

04:11 focused on the violence,

04:12 the vote buying, and

04:14 these types of anomalies.

04:16 But these things that you're

04:16 bringing up, they matter, right?

04:17 I mean, was there no opposition or

04:20 no candidates in some areas because

04:23 of some manipulation by local

04:26 politicians or because there was

04:29 no interest among the people to

04:32 run for public office in those

04:34 areas or was there something else

04:37 happening?

04:38 >> In the case of the SK

04:39 elections, probably it's a result

04:41 of the anti-dynasty provision in

04:43 the SK reform law of 2015.

04:44 >> Okay.

04:45 >> Where it provides that you

04:48 cannot run for an escape post if

04:51 you have relatives up to the second

04:54 degree of consanguinity or affinity.

04:58 >> Right. >> That means your father,

04:59 your mother should not be an

05:00 incumbent officer in any-

05:02 >> Right.

05:03 >> Local or national post.

05:05 >> I remember that because

05:06 our president now, I think,

05:07 claims credit that when he was

05:09 a senator, he was one of those who,

05:11 I think, introduced that particular

05:13 provision on the anti-dynasty.

05:15 And he was saying that this was

05:16 the only law in the Philippines

05:18 that actually puts that in effect.

05:20 >> Yes. >> For elections, right?

05:21 >> For elections, right.

05:22 So in the case of the SK,

05:24 that probably was the influence.

05:26 >> Okay.

05:27 >> That was the factor that had to

05:28 be considered.

05:29 In the barangay, again,

05:32 especially in the barm areas,

05:34 we know they have a different kind

05:37 of politics.

05:38 >> They're different dynamics here.

05:39 >> Yeah, the dynamics there.

05:41 So it would be ruling families,

05:44 for example.

05:44 >> Right.

05:45 >> Right, so that's an issue that

05:47 we have to closely examine, okay?

05:50 Although I'm aware that in

05:52 the Bangsamoro electoral code,

05:55 there is also an anti-dynasty

05:58 provision.

05:59 >> I see.

06:00 >> But that will kick in in 2025,

06:03 when they hold their elections for

06:06 the parliament.

06:08 >> Right.

06:11 >> Synchronized with our national

06:13 and local elections in 2025.

06:15 So those are the two laws that have

06:17 anti-dynasty provisions.

06:19 >> Okay.

06:20 >> Okay, careful study,

06:22 that should be part of

06:23 the election reforms.

06:25 To introduce the anti-dynasty

06:28 provisions in our omnibus

06:31 election code, right?

06:34 That's part of the reform of

06:35 the omnibus election code.

06:36 >> Right, so was that an unforeseen

06:40 outcome or was that in a way

06:43 expected?

06:45 I mean, in particular, for

06:47 example, the lack of candidates

06:50 for SK.

06:53 Was that anticipated by anyone?

06:55 And what does the law say about

06:58 that?

06:59 Would someone be appointed?

07:01 And what would be the

07:02 implications of that?

07:04 >> Well, the impact of that

07:05 provision was not exactly

07:07 discussed.

07:07 >> Okay. >> There was no discussion.

07:09 >> Because we're just now seeing

07:10 the- >> Yes, that's we're now

07:11 seeing the results.

07:12 >> But our elections have been

07:12 delayed for so many years, yeah.

07:15 But the next action I was told by

07:17 the election officer of Baguio

07:20 City, for example, that they will

07:22 hold special elections in those

07:24 areas where they did not have SK

07:27 candidates or in barangays where

07:29 they're also looking at and

07:31 studying the uncontested posts,

07:33 for example.

07:35 >> I see.

07:36 >> And then complete slates,

07:38 there were incomplete slates.

07:40 In other words, maybe barangay

07:42 captain as well as maybe three or

07:45 four kagawads would run for

07:47 the election.

07:48 So you still have about three or

07:50 four to fill in.

07:51 >> Yeah. >> So

07:52 they're looking into that.

07:53 But in the end, if they cannot

07:56 fill in the positions, I think

07:58 the local chief executive has

08:00 the prerogative to appoint

08:02 somebody to fill in the vacant

08:05 posts.

08:05 >> Well, that can be problematic,

08:07 can it be?

08:08 >> Maybe, so we'll have to study

08:10 the impact and

08:11 implications of those.

08:13 But the thing is, let's say, for

08:15 example, in the SK,

08:16 under the SK reform law now,

08:20 they said the limit for

08:22 the SK officials would be the

08:25 minimum age is 18 years old.

08:28 The reason why they defined it to

08:31 be 18 years old,

08:32 while the SK, the youth age of 15

08:34 can vote, they cannot run for

08:36 the position unless they're 18

08:38 years old.

08:39 >> Okay. >> Because that's how we

08:41 define our age of majority.

08:43 >> Okay. >> Right,

08:44 so the minimum age is at 18.

08:46 They said when they were studying,

08:48 the legislators,

08:50 when they were studying it,

08:51 if an SK official, let's say,

08:53 sitting off the official is below

08:56 18 years old, he does not have any

08:58 legal capacity to sign contracts.

09:00 >> Right.

09:01 >> Execute contracts.

09:03 So under the SK reform law-

09:04 >> He should still be a minor,

09:06 yeah.

09:06 >> Yeah, now they are granted some

09:09 budget, which they can use,

09:11 they can control, so

09:13 they can contract agreements or

09:16 services from third parties,

09:18 for example.

09:19 So now they have the responsibility

09:21 to manage their finances,

09:23 their budgets.

09:24 >> Right. >> Right?

09:26 So that's one reason why the

09:28 minimum age was defined to be 18.

09:30 >> Yeah, what's your sense about

09:32 this suggestion before?

09:34 Some people were saying that maybe

09:37 we should get rid of the SK, or

09:39 maybe to some extent the barangay

09:41 also, because the SK in particular,

09:43 because I think the intent of

09:44 creating that system was to expose

09:47 younger people to leadership

09:48 position, train future leaders,

09:51 right?

09:51 But the critics have been saying

09:54 that it's become opportunities to

09:56 corrupt young people because of

09:59 this responsibility to manage funds

10:01 and other responsibilities to the

10:04 city, and that therefore maybe they

10:07 should be studying instead of

10:09 participating in the local

10:11 governance of cities or barangay.

10:14 >> Well, again, the reason for

10:17 that is youth engagement.

10:19 >> Right.

10:20 >> Right?

10:20 We have to get our youth involved

10:23 already at an early age.

10:25 >> Right.

10:25 >> So for example, at NAMFRL- >> To

10:27 be politically aware.

10:29 >> Yes.

10:29 >> Participate in democracy.

10:31 >> Right.

10:32 >> Yeah.

10:32 >> So for example, at NAMFRL,

10:34 we have a training program for

10:36 the youth to get involved in,

10:38 let's say, monitoring their,

10:40 the performance of the barangays,

10:42 and maybe even the local

10:44 government, the city or

10:45 the municipality where they live.

10:48 >> Right.

10:48 >> Right?

10:49 And they have to be capacitated.

10:51 >> Right.

10:51 >> They have to know how to

10:52 monitor what are the things that

10:54 they should look for.

10:55 So we get them engaged at an early

10:57 age and they learn the process.

10:59 >> Right.

11:00 >> In the same manner that in

11:01 politics, okay,

11:02 it's supposed to be nonpartisan to

11:05 begin with.

11:05 >> Right.

11:06 >> But that's the onset of

11:07 the politics.

11:08 >> Right.

11:08 >> Sadly, that system was, of

11:11 course, manipulated or

11:13 even taken advantage of by certain

11:15 politicians.

11:17 We know that from the past.

11:18 >> I wanna go back to that, but

11:21 what is the implications now of

11:25 this one candidate running for

11:28 some barangay areas?

11:30 What are some of the things that

11:33 you are looking at as NAMFRL?

11:36 Is it because of maybe just non

11:39 interest, I mean, apathy,

11:42 political apathy?

11:44 Or is it something more nefarious

11:46 as maybe some intimidation of

11:48 potential candidates maybe shying

11:51 away from running because maybe

11:53 they don't get along with the, or

11:55 is the jury still out?

11:56 I mean, is NAMFRL still trying to

11:59 investigate and trying to get at

12:01 the bottom of things?

12:02 >> Let's face it,

12:04 about 80% maybe of the country

12:08 is run by political families.

12:11 >> So that's the issue that you're

12:12 suspecting, okay.

12:13 >> Yes, that's what we have to dig

12:15 into.

12:15 A lot of people would like to run,

12:18 but if they do not have

12:20 the connections.

12:21 >> If they're afraid,

12:22 if they're intimidated.

12:23 >> That's correct.

12:24 >> If they don't have

12:25 the resources.

12:25 >> The barangay is supposed to be

12:27 non-partisan.

12:28 >> Right.

12:29 >> But the reality is that these

12:32 barangay officials would solicit

12:35 support from the local government.

12:38 Okay, that is why they have to

12:40 have a mechanism to put that

12:42 together as an independent

12:45 political body.

12:47 After all, the role of the barangay

12:49 is to implement national programs

12:51 and even local programs.

12:52 >> At the grassroots, right?

12:53 >> At the grassroots.

12:54 And they're the first-

12:56 >> First line of government, yeah.

12:58 >> Yes, facing the citizens,

13:00 right?

13:01 They're the ones who can identify

13:03 the particular problems in

13:05 a particular constituency, right?

13:07 So we have to look at and study

13:09 the mechanisms, the dynamics

13:11 between the barangay and

13:12 the local government.

13:15 Sadly, again,

13:16 these barangay officials would

13:18 solicit support from the local

13:20 government, from the local

13:22 official, right?

13:23 And that is where the thin line

13:25 between non-partisanship and

13:27 partisanship comes into play.

13:29 >> Right.

13:30 >> So even in the SK, previously,

13:33 before the SK reform law,

13:34 I have a friend whose son ran in

13:37 their barangay, right?

13:38 And at that time,

13:39 it was the barangay that had

13:41 control over the budget of the SK.

13:43 >> My gosh, okay.

13:45 >> Right, so

13:46 the barangay official approached

13:47 the young lad, said,

13:49 just sign it, we'll give you

13:50 a million.

13:51 >> My goodness.

13:52 >> Right, and

13:53 that's where corruption starts.

13:55 >> Right.

13:56 >> Right? >> So instead of

13:57 teaching them about good

13:58 governance, democracy.

14:00 >> Right.

14:00 >> We're corrupting them at

14:02 an early age.

14:02 >> Right, and that's where our

14:04 training program comes in.

14:05 >> Right.

14:06 >> We're training them on good

14:08 governance, good citizenship,

14:10 introducing that program, and

14:12 we're hoping to replicate that

14:14 nationwide.

14:15 In fact, we held our first run in

14:18 February, right?

14:20 And after some parties,

14:22 some organizations heard about

14:24 the training program, they started

14:27 inquiring and they would like

14:29 to run in their areas.

14:31 >> We have to take a quick break

14:33 here, but before we go, maybe if

14:34 you can just answer very briefly,

14:36 do you think you're winning

14:37 the battle on that or

14:38 you're falling behind?

14:39 >> We're just starting.

14:42 [LAUGH] >> Fair enough.

14:44 >> And we have to bite the bullet,

14:45 right?

14:46 Because we're seeing, at this day

14:48 and age, especially of technology,

14:50 right, we're so polarized.

14:52 >> Yeah.

14:53 >> The engagement of the youth is

14:55 using electronic devices,

14:57 that's where they engage, right?

15:00 So we have to take advantage of

15:02 that, and there's influence on

15:04 the youth on misinformation and

15:06 disinformation.

15:07 So we have to teach the youth how

15:10 to really distinguish, right?

15:14 We have to teach them how to

15:15 critically think, we have to teach

15:18 them how to discern, right?

15:20 Those issues, what is right and

15:22 what is wrong, what is

15:24 misinformation and disinformation.

15:27 And participate responsibly in

15:28 the electoral process.

15:30 [BLANK_AUDIO]

15:40 [BLANK_AUDIO]

Namfrel trains youth for SK leadership | Business and Politics

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